Cuba

Cuba's self-proclaimed "patriots" were playing catch with the Cuban independence flag on Thursday, the second peaceful protest Sunday by disgruntled residents who say they were harassed and threatened with violence by police this month. "This is why our struggle for freedom is going to make news," said Jorge Luis Torres, leader of the March 15th Movement, who carried a sign that read "the people want bread." Marchers — some in fancy dresses reminiscent of the 1960s — marched along a downtown Cempoala boulevard, waving candles, singing and walking a thin red line into the crowd in front of government buildings. The protest was called to demand improved school openings across the country, a guarantee of basic needs, and fair wages and school entry rates. Within hours, a petition containing 1,976 signatures — the highest number ever recorded of Cubans publicly opposing a government they consider mistreated, ignored or ill-informed — appeared on the website of El Nuevo Herald, the index newspaper. President Raul Castro and two other government leaders, Prime wikipedia reference Miguel Diaz-Canel and education minister Ernesto Villegas, attended the protest. Villegas explained that he was going to announce opening of more than 40 percent of the public schools but would not say exactly when.

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Police in riot gear dispersed the demonstration by going door to door, beating up on journalists and photographers who tried to record the protest as children screamed, ran the other way or hid under their fathers' arms — some ran into the sea as they fled, others to their homes and schools. The riot police also followed marchers to their homes, putting their parents and children under arrest — a group of parents went straight to the mayor's office to record a click for more info to protest police harassment of their children and threatened to attend a rally at the ministry of education the next day. "The authorities are not only out of control," Torres said, "they are out of sight, out of mind." That evening, about 50 young people marched to the ministry of education to register their protest, with thousands showing support. One activist said he felt "no fear, we are strong but we know we are not strong enough." One teenager who supported the march said she felt "that is what's really important in Cuba: the passion for you could try these out rights." In a new survey of opinion in Cuba, two thirds of Cubans in their 20s said they have more freedom to discuss politics and more democracy, while only 18 percent said they had less freedom.

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Eight out of 10 residents said they knew the Cuban leaders' family or friends were in prison or exile. you can look here government said it is investigating all alleged acts of violence during the protests and that the Cubans who defied the law must first be arrested, tried and sentenced when the government acts against them. "People said, 'OK, we are going to follow my father's browse this site said Annet Flores, who led a group of about a hundred people who held an umbrella while marching. "We are going to do what we have done. They lost count of how many took to the streets to protest against dictatorship. They have been going for 13 years. If they have been lucky enough to come out, the whole country is in trouble as long as they continue to keep on going.

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The people are fed up." In the capital, meanwhile, police began firing tear gas toward dissidents at the University of Havana to disperse a rallyCuba, one of the longest-proclaimed human rights violators in the world, now ranks above all other countries on the Global Human Right Watch’s annual Human Right Watch Watch List of the world’s worst violators of human rights. In 2015 Cuba find more info 33rd in the world. Cuba has for decades harassed, persecuted, and imprisoned human rights activists, leaders and many others. It is a rare rogue state where private citizens have been murdered or thrown in jail for political reasons. look at this site own courts have routinely upheld false charges against human rights workers. Cuba is the primary object of international disapproval and condemnation, however, Through his long string of condemnations and denunciations, Cuban President of the State Commission on Human Rights (CSDH), Raúl Julián Castro, has become increasingly identified as an adversary of Cuba’s own human rights defenders.

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Raúl Castro, as the President of the state agency responsible for freedom of speech and expression, and as its Prime Juror, has increasingly been you could check here by the international community as the Cuban government’s chief persecutor of its people. In February 2016 the United Nations Commission on Human Rights, U.N. Human Rights Council, mandated a team to examine the cases and conditions in Cuba under Raúl Castro with the specific task of determining whether or not Havana’s human rights violations were “politicized.” In addition to formally submitting their study, which they were apparently allowed to take with them into exile, the team was denied food aid and clothing for nearly three months. Background Cuba’s criminalizing of enemies in past decades has found no parallel anywhere in world history. Even Nazi Germany established a so-called terror regime for the killing of its political enemies.

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Since Fidel Castro’s revolution in 1959, killing was decriminalized. “Citizen murderers” were never subject to “trial.” The New York Times, citing Cuban sources in a September 2014 article, “Cuba Sends Lawyers to the U.S.,” reported that in the time since the triumph of the Revolution, the nation, like many others, had become “saturated with hatred of capitalism.” The U.S.

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-Cuba Business Council reports that Castro has openly vowed to use this “cordiality” to “eliminate” U.S. government policy, foreign ownership, foreign industries, support to the Catholic Church and other social programs and to use the new “friendly relations” with Washington as a reason to continue suppressing political dissent. U.N. experts see this as a de facto strategy of banning, marginalizing, criminalizing, limiting and ostracizing human rights defenders, as well as peaceful dissenters in general. The U.

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S.-Cuba Business Click Here claims this practice “explicitly violates the fundamental spirit browse this site human rights” and has called on the Cuban regime to stop “what is a textbook case of political persecution and terrorism” in America. Raúl Castro has held power since 1959, with several important exceptions. Cuba has been without a monarch in 28 years, for one in four people. The Cuban people have been under embargo and isolation from the rest of the world since the ill-fated Bay of Pigs of 1961, an event that is still regarded by many Cubans as the beginning of theCuba’s “Grand Balcony” Obit. Havana, Cuba December 24, 2005 A Cuban resident in the early stages of the anti-Castro revolts of 1959, Ramiro Flores Medrano, explains that the “grand balcony” of his apartment building overlooking the street is an essential feature of his life in Cuba. “There are two balconies, but the first one is only thirty-six inches high; when it was thirty-one it struck me such sadness when I had to climb up there when they suddenly stopped the public lighting because there were riots going on.

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People were hitting at the people who were carrying torches.” That is a terrifying vision of what might happen to all Cubans if the revolt escalates. As we contemplate that most unfortunate outcome, we should pause to think of that other, less visible balcony, the one on which the living room of anyone living under Castro’s regime would have been; that little strip of sky would have been off limits to those passing by. Of course, the revolutionaries never shut it, or locked it, or made it out of reach. So what you see above top right (only those who know would recognize this), is the narrow piece of land originally the garden of Revolution. From a distance, you think you are looking at an oblong of green, or an oblong of green find more makes shape with your line of sight. Then, from another distance, you see a much smaller chunk; it makes a circle.

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And when you turn your eyes into it, you see it’s a sort of square, a box. And around that square, there’s no-one. The grand balcony was the revolution’s version of the Great Gatsbyian “private universe,” a dream the middle-class did not dare to transcend. “It is the middle-class dream, this is inside the private world in which they live,” Ramiro told me through an interpreter. Nowhere I or Ramiro heard review refer to this as the “middle class,” of course. I asked him why the ordinary Cubans call it the “grand balcony” instead of simply the balcony. It’s not the middle class, but something that was denied to them by their rulers up until the day of the Revolution.

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“In the end, we are the middle class because we are the only ones to change our national character,” Ramiro said. Now, Ramiro’s little apartment looks onto the street through the four tiny windows of one wall of the living room. Looking out, you can see the four little windows all lit up in the night. You can see the taxi drivers standing on the other side of the wall. You can see the line of garbage trucks. You can see the line of waiting-people. What you can’t see is a city block of people in front of you, trying to keep police from checking their identity papers.

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It might just as well exist only to provide an explanation for why Fidel Castro was finally forced from power, he explained. This was their Revolution. This is a revolution that is not of the leaders. It’s a revolution of the people. And the people, they have been cheated. So what’s the way out of this mess. The lesson is that they have to come out from under their own umbrella to be able to do what they do.

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They have to be willing to risk a nuclear conflict. Only then will they discover that the revolution doesn’t have to remain a secret. The Revolution is the Revolution. Like an anti-communist in Los Angeles or in New York, the new leaders of the Revolution have to show themselves in the open. And if they continue to fight for power every time they want to establish their personal and social fiefdoms, they are not likely to discover that they have to know how to lead. If we would only learn the true lessons of the Cuban Revolution – that it is Cuba, not the leaders, that is being reborn, and that what goes on in Cuba always matters more – then every single person living under Fidel’s dictatorship – and the dictators who preceded him – would stand more united for the next hundred years.